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                <text>04/13/1944</text>
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                <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.&#13;
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                    <text>Bruggeman stone house</text>
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                    <text>This house was built in 1921 by the Von Herberg family on their ranch. Better known later as the Bruggemann homestead after a sale between the two parties. </text>
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                  <text>The towns of Hanford, White Bluffs and Richland Washington prior to 1943.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Prior to World War II, approximately 2,000 people resided in the eastern Washington towns of Hanford, White Bluffs, Richland, and the surrounding area. Most were agricultural families who operated farms, ranches, orchards, and vineyards and produced such commodities as wheat, milk, apricots, peaches, and grapes. In 1943, as a result of the ongoing battles of both the European and Pacific Theaters of World War II, the United States government had set its sights on the Columbia Basin area as the site for a top-secret wartime enterprise known as the Manhattan Project. Beginning in January 1943 the unsuspecting residents of Hanford, White Bluffs, and Richland began receiving federal notice to vacate and acquiesce to the federal government purchasing their land for “fair market value.” Today, only three structures from this all-but-forgotten pre-WWII era remain, one of which stands isolated in the far northwest corner of what is now the Hanford Nuclear Reservation. The Bruggemann Warehouse is the only intact building on the bygone 406-acre Bruggemann homestead. The structure is now part of the Manhattan Project National Historical Park at Hanford.    &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Paul Bruggemann was born in Schwetzingen, Germany in 1898, and according to his son Ludwig Bruggemann, after serving in the Great War, “my father wanted to become a farmer.” In 1926 Paul purchased the 406-acre Von Herberg cattle ranch in eastern Washington along the Columbia River to do just that. In October of 1937 he married his second wife Marry E. Hoard. The couple lived on the ranch for 6 years, welcoming two children during that time, Ludwig Bruggemann in in 1938 and Paula Bruggemann (Holm) in 1940. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The ranch that Bruggemann purchased came equipped with an impressive irrigation system, including a private pumphouse, used to distribute water directly from the Columbia River. Farmers who did not have direct access to the Columbia River resorted to drilling wells hundreds of feet deep in order to reach the area’s water table. Conversely, many of Bruggemann’s neighbors along the Columbia River would have been using wooden flumes or pipes (both above and below ground) to move and distribute water on their land. Bruggemann’s irrigation pipes, however, were made of vitrified clay tile. In the arid environment of eastern Washington this advanced and extensive irrigation system proved to be a significant advantage for Bruggemann and his endeavor of transforming the large cattle ranch into a primarily fruit producing farm. Ludwig explains that the pump house was used to divert river water up the sloped land to a ditch system on the opposite side of the farm, which was then left to flow back down the slope, over the farmland, and back to the Columbia River. Ludwig also recalls that the pump house for the farm’s irrigation system was often not working properly, “I think every week he had a problem with that pump house.” Bruggemann began the process of cultivating the land, dedicating 60 acres to soft fruits such as grape vineyards and orchards that produced apricots, peaches, and plums. Bruggemann also planted 11 acres of alfalfa, likely used as feed for the goats, rabbits, and sheep that were also raised on the farm.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt; Paula recalls that there was no need for her father to construct anything on the farm as there were several existing buildings ready for use including a farmhouse, silo, horse barn, cookhouse, garage, and storehouse. Uniquely, the house and the cookhouse were both constructed using glacial erratics from the Columbia River set into concrete. Over the years, the cookhouse eventually came to be mistakenly referred to as a warehouse due to the assumption that it was meant to store the soft fruit after harvest. This assumption, however, was incorrect. Paula corrects the historical record by explaining, “no, that was a cook house, and my grandma was the chief cook along with my mom and my mom’s sister.” Ludwig explains the challenge their mother faced while on the farm: “my mother was always very much loaded with work and cooking… It was a real burden for her.” The women were responsible for feeding not only the family, but a number of farm hands employed on the ranch as well. This meant that during the harvest season, arguably the busiest time of year for any farmer, they were cooking for upwards of 100 people, certainly a harrowing task for anyone. This would have been made all the more challenging by the relatively primitive cooking tools Mary would have used as well as the lack of a nearby grocery store – the closest one being in Sunnyside over an hour away.   &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Ludwig, who would have been around 5 in the summer of 1943, remembers when two military jeeps arriving at the Bruggemann homestead. The occupants of the vehicles presented Paul Bruggemann with a notice from the United States Engineering Office of the War Department stating that as of July 14, 1943 the family had until September 30, 1943 to vacate the premises. The federal government hired several appraisers to evaluate the land and determine its value. It was eventually decided that the “fair market value” for the Bruggemann farm, including for all the buildings, structures, and crops, was $67,000.00 - $1,018,772.66 in today’s value. Paul Bruggemann, however, was dissatisfied with this estimation, and ultimately took his case to court where he demanded what he felt he owed. When asked by the courts what his profits were and what he thought the fair value of the land should be, Ludwig explains how his father was unable to provide an accurate estimate, saying, “I don’t have any profits yet. I built up that farm and I had my first crop on the trees when your two jeeps drove in.” Bruggemann was uncertain what the full profit he stood to make from the sale of his fruit because his first full fruit crop was waiting to be harvested when he received the notice to vacate his property. Unfortunately, there are no records of the outcome of this court case. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;While extended family members who had lived on the farm – Mary’s mother, sister, and brothers – relocated throughout the Pacific Northwest, the nuclear Bruggemann family moved to Yakima, Washington where Paul eventually purchased another farm. Being only 12 acres, his new farm was significantly smaller than the first, meaning that Bruggemann was able to work the land himself, becoming even more self-sufficient. Ludwig and Paula spent the rest of their childhood in Yakima. While Paula remained in the area, Ludwig eventually immigrated to his father’s native country of Germany. Paul Bruggemann passed away in Yakima in June of 1988 at the age of 89. Seventeen years his junior, Mary Bruggemann lived in Yakima for another 18 years until she passed away in March of 2006. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</text>
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                <text>A virtual guide to the communities displaced when the federal government inaugurated the Manhattan Project on the Hanford Site in 1943. Funded by the Benton County, Washington Historical Preservation Grant.</text>
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                  <text>Guide to the Pre-Manhattan Project Towns of Hanford, White Bluffs, and Richland</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;W. R. Amon and his son, Howard S. Amon, first settled in the lower Yakima Valley in 1904 when the pair purchased the large expansive Rosencrance Ranch, located on what is now Lee Boulevard and Goethals Drive in Richland near the Columbia River, from Ben Rosencrance. The following year in 1905, they purchased the Rich Ranch from Nelson Rich, a prominent local landowner, and a member of the Washington State Legislature from 1901-1902 and 1911-1913. The Amons quickly became prominent figures in the area as a result of their extensive philanthropy. The Amons were instrumental in Richland receiving its first telephone connections. Columbia Telephone System, a phone company based in the neighboring town of Kennewick, was able to provide phone service to Richland by extending Amon’s private line to the rest of town. This would have been a significant technological advancement for the small farming community. Not only would this have made communication between residents possible for social and emergency reasons, but it also would have connected Richland to the outside world. The Amons also invested in and worked to improve the small town’s irrigation systems. In the arid desert climate of eastern Washington, irrigation was crucial for survival. Settlers used various methods to bring water to their homesteads from digging wells and small canals and flumes. Some of the larger farms in the area were dependent on the enormous Rosencrance water wheel on the Yakima River for water. The Amons replaced this water wheel with a more effective gasoline powered water pump. In the spring of 1905, the Amons were among the founders of the Benton Water Company and quickly made a claim for 400 cubic feet of water per second from the Yakima River. This water was used for irrigation throughout the small town as well as for generating electricity for lighting and manufacturing. In the fall of 1908, the Benton Water Company and the Lower Yakima Irrigation Company merged, which ultimately led to the construction of a 15-mile long canal known as the Richland Irrigation Canal, which expanded the area that the irrigation system could reach, especially in north Richland.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The Amons were also instrumental in the mapping out and establishment of Richland as a town. By 1905 the father-son duo had acquired 2,300 acres and proposed a townsite. To decide on a name for the new town a contest was held. The town name suggestions were drawn from a hat, the last name drawn was the winner – Benton briefly became the name of the small town in honor of the newly established Benton County. The name, however, did not last for long, as the United States Postal Service rejected the name for being too similar to the name of another small Washington town in Pierce County: Benston. As a result, the town was named Richland after Nelson Rich, and officially incorporated in 1910. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;In 1911, Howard Amon presented to the town of Richland (represented by C. F. Breithaupt) the deed to Amon Park as a gift to the community. In 1912 a decorative stone archway was constructed to mark the entrance to the park. The original archway was destroyed shortly after the federal government began acquiring land in Hanford, White Bluffs, and Richland in 1943 as part of the top-secret wartime project that would ultimately come to be known as the Manhattan Project. It was also at this point that Amon Park was renamed Riverside Park.                &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;In 1918 a well was dug for the convenience of picnickers, a bandstand was constructed in 1920, and in 1934 volunteers began construction of a community swimming pool and bathhouse at the north end of the park which officially opened on July 4&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;&lt;span&gt;th&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;, 1936. Amon Park’s annual Independence Day celebrations have been a favorite of the community for generations. In a letter written by Estella Murray West, who grew up in Richland, she recalls that “Fourth of July at Amon Park was always something. One year we even had a May Pole dance. We always had fried chicken, home-made freezer ice cream, sponge cake and potato salad. And fireworks a-plenty.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Over the last century the park has been transformed into picturesque grounds, perfect for a wide range of recreational activities for the community. Today an extensive path runs the length of the park the shore of the Columbia River that is ideal for strolls or biking. The park boasts an impressive children’s playground, tennis courts, and community center. Sprawling lawns under the canopy of hundred-plus year-old trees make for the perfect picnic spot and location for such family friendly events from car shows, art walks, concerts, cultural festivals and much more. A replica of the original park archway was constructed and dedicated by the Richland Centennial Committee on July 4&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;&lt;span&gt;th&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;, 2010 approximately 25 feet northeast of where the original would have stood. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;For more than a century &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;Howard Amon Park has remained a popular community locale not only for Richland – the town that the Amons worked so hard to help establish – but for the Tri-Cities as a whole.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                  <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Manley Bostwick Haynes and Judge Cornelius Holgate Hanford&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;James Schroeder&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;August 16, 2020&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt; &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In 1900 the Priest Rapids Valley was sparsely populated save for scattered settlements near the small community of White Bluffs. This changed over the following decade when Manley Bostwick Haynes and his father-in-law Judge Cornelius Holgate Hanford established the town of Hanford several miles south of White Bluffs.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[1]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; An ambitious Seattle banker, real estate investor, and socialite, Haynes often graced the society page of &lt;em&gt;The&lt;/em&gt; &lt;em&gt;Seattle Daily Times&lt;/em&gt;, first as an eligible bachelor and later as husband to Judge Hanford’s daughter Elaine.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[2]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Haynes always kept his eyes open for investment opportunities, and while sailing down the Columbia River during the 1890s found himself drawn to the open landscape of the Priest Rapids Valley. Convinced an adequate irrigation network could transform the dry shrub-steppe into farmland, Haynes purchased 32,000 acres between Richland and White Bluffs, an endeavor &lt;em&gt;The Ranch&lt;/em&gt; claimed “promises to be one of the largest public utilities in the state.”&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[3]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Haynes asked his father-in-law for support, and Judge Hanford became an enthusiastic investor.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[4]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; By 1905 Haynes, Hanford, and several prominent Seattle businessmen established the Priest Rapids Irrigation &amp;amp; Power Company (PRIPC) to turn vision into reality.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[5]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Hanford was no stranger to ambition and had already achieved significant success as a lawyer and judge, becoming Washington Territory’s chief justice in 1889 and the first federal district court judge for Washington State in 1890.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[6]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Hanford supported agricultural development efforts, saying in 1905 in a speech steeped in racial bias that Native Americans, “as occupiers of the land, failed to use it as God intended that it should be used, so as to yield its fruits in abundance for the comfort of millions of inhabitants.”&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[7]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; When internal disputes led to the disintegration of the PRIPC Hanford and Haynes persevered, establishing the Hanford Irrigation &amp;amp; Power Company (HIPC) in 1906.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[8]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Hanford served for a time as HIPC president while Haynes acted as the company secretary.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[9]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Over the next two years as the HIPC constructed irrigation and pumping facilities, employees delineated and developed a company town.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[10]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Platted in 1907, this new town was named Hanford after the HIPC’s prestigious founder.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[11]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; The HIPC advertised to attract new residents and Haynes even purchased a homestead for himself, moving there with his family in 1913. Known as “‘Arrowhead on the Columbia,’” &lt;em&gt;The Seattle Daily Times&lt;/em&gt; described Haynes’ residence as “one of the show spots of the Hanford district.”&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[12]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; A prominent member of the community, Haynes was secretary of the White Bluffs Golf Club and even ran for State Representative in 1914.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[13]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Hanford’s brother Clarence also made a home here, establishing what historian Martha Berry Parker describes as “one of the valley’s most magnificent fruit farms.”&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[14]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; It is small wonder that Clarence Hanford was the one who gave grape mogul P. R. Welch a tour of the valley in 1911, petitioning him to open a juice factory near Hanford.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[15]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; As a result of these efforts, Hanford’s population grew so that by 1910 the town numbered 369 people.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[16]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; HIPC irrigation efforts were less successful. Persistent financial and maintenance problems dogged the company even after the Pacific Power and Light Company purchased it in 1910. Years of litigation ensued as Hanford, Haynes, and local farmers attempted to reduce exorbitant water rates. They received a favorable ruling in 1922 but legal costs left Haynes bankrupt.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[17]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Hanford’s downfall came primarily at his own hand. In May 1912 he revoked the citizenship of naturalized citizen Leonard Olsson on the grounds that he was a socialist, a decision that made national news and prompted an investigation by the US House of Representative’s Judiciary Committee.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[18]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Numerous witnesses subsequently testified that Hanford was a habitual drunk who caroused with women late into the night.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[19]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Even worse was the accusation that Hanford helped the HIPC purchase land from the Northern Pacific Railroad (NP) at a discount in exchange for a favorable tax ruling in 1907 that saved the NP $60,000. His credibility fatally undermined, Hanford tendered his resignation on July 22, 1912. The Congressional inquiry concluded after his resignation, conveniently halting further investigation into the actions of Hanford’s powerful business associates.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[20]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Despite the financial setbacks and scandals, Haynes and Hanford remained active in the Hanford community. In 1916, Haynes served as director of the Hanford school district and during WWI both men supported Red Cross donation drives and returning veterans.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[21]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Hanford became an author, and wrote about the history of Seattle until his death in 1926.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[22]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Haynes went on to serve as acting secretary of the Pacific Northwest Fruit Exposition in 1921.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[23]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; That year he also served as president of Commonwealth Petroleum, a drilling interest in Benton County, and in 1922 he incorporated the Hanford-Priest Rapids Land Company.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[24]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Although Haynes moved to Seattle during the 1920s he did not lose his enthusiasm for rural development projects, and in 1935 he served as vice-president of the Columbia River Development League.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[25]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; Haynes passed away in 1942 one year before the United States government destroyed the town he had worked so hard to create.&lt;a title=""&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;sup&gt;[26]&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt; &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt; &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Mary Powell Harris, &lt;em&gt;Goodbye, White Bluffs&lt;/em&gt; (Yakima, WA: Franklin Press, 1972), 99-103; Martha Berry Parker, &lt;em&gt;Tales of Richland, White Bluffs &amp;amp; Hanford, 1805-1943, Before the Atomic Reserve&lt;/em&gt; (Fairfield, WA: Ye Galleon Press, 1986), 20; Robert Bauman and Robert Franklin, &lt;em&gt;Nowhere to Remember: Hanford, White Bluffs, and Richland to 1943&lt;/em&gt; (Pullman, WA: Washington State University Press, 2018), 41.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; “Fruit Exposition Nov. 21-26,” &lt;em&gt;The Leavenworth Echo&lt;/em&gt; (Leavenworth, WA), September 23, 1921, 7; “Manley B. Haynes,” &lt;em&gt;The Seattle Daily Times&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle, WA), March 3, 1942, 13; “Society,”&lt;em&gt; The Seattle Daily Times&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle, WA), April 29, 1899, 16; “Brevities,” &lt;em&gt;The Seattle Post-Intelligencer&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle, WA), December 10, 1891, 8; “Society in Brief,” &lt;em&gt;The Seattle Daily Times&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle, WA), May 22, 1897, 13.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; Peter Bacon Hales, &lt;em&gt;Atomic Spaces: Living on the Manhattan Project&lt;/em&gt; (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1997), 19; Nancy M. Mendenhall, &lt;em&gt;Orchards of Eden: White Bluffs on the Columbia, 1907-1943&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle: Far Eastern Press, 2006), 86-87; “Another Big Irrigation Scheme,” &lt;em&gt;The Ranch &lt;/em&gt;(Seattle, WA), October 1, 1906, 6; Bauman and Franklin, &lt;em&gt;Nowhere to Remember&lt;/em&gt;, 41&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[4]&lt;/a&gt; Bauman and Franklin, &lt;em&gt;Nowhere to Remember&lt;/em&gt;, 41; Mendenhall, &lt;em&gt;Orchards of Eden&lt;/em&gt;, 86-87&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[5]&lt;/a&gt; “Will Reclaim 32,000 Acres,” &lt;em&gt;East Oregonian&lt;/em&gt; (Pendleton, OR), November 23, 1905, 7; “Another Big Irrigation Scheme.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[6]&lt;/a&gt; John Caldbick, “Federal District Judge Cornelius H. Hanford Resigns During Impeachment Investigation on July 22, 1912,” HistoryLink.org, September 6, 2010, https://www.historylink.org/File/9547.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[7]&lt;/a&gt; Judge Cornelius Hanford, quoted in Coll Thrush, &lt;em&gt;Native Seattle: Histories from the Crossing-Over Place&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2017), 145, and in Alan J. Stein, “Seattle celebrates its 54th birthday and dedicates the Alki Point monument on November 13, 1905,” HistoryLink.org, August 7, 2002, https://www.historylink.org/File/3917.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[8]&lt;/a&gt; “Two Towns Instead of One,” &lt;em&gt;The Yakama Herald&lt;/em&gt; (North Yakama, WA), May 22, 1907, 8; “New Power Company Born,” &lt;em&gt;The Evening Statesman &lt;/em&gt;(Walla Walla, WA), August 22, 1906, 1; Bauman and Franklin, &lt;em&gt;Nowhere to Remember&lt;/em&gt;, 41-42; “Formerly of Minneapolis,” &lt;em&gt;Minneapolis Messenger&lt;/em&gt; (Minneapolis, KS), February 13, 1908, 6.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[9]&lt;/a&gt; “Irrigation at the Rapids,” &lt;em&gt;Spokane Daily Chronicle&lt;/em&gt; (Spokane, WA), April 18, 1907, 12; “Another Big Irrigation Scheme.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[10]&lt;/a&gt; United States Department of Energy, &lt;em&gt;Hanford Cultural Resources Management Plan&lt;/em&gt; (Richland, WA: Pacific Northwest Laboratory, 1989), D.68; Parker, &lt;em&gt;Tales of Richland, White Bluffs &amp;amp; Hanford, 1805-1943&lt;/em&gt;, 51, 57, 59; Mendenhall, &lt;em&gt;Orchards of Eden&lt;/em&gt;, 58.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[11]&lt;/a&gt; Parker, &lt;em&gt;Tales of Richland, White Bluffs &amp;amp; Hanford, 1805-1943&lt;/em&gt;, 43, 51.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[12]&lt;/a&gt; United States Department of Energy, &lt;em&gt;Hanford Cultural Resources Management Plan&lt;/em&gt;, D.69; “32,000 Acres Best Fruit Land in the Columbia River Early Fruit Belt,” &lt;em&gt;The Ranch&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle, WA), December 1, 1907, 24; “Free,” &lt;em&gt;The Ranch&lt;/em&gt;, January 1, 1908, 16; “Two Towns Instead of One;” “Society,” &lt;em&gt;The Seattle Daily Times&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle, WA), May 16, 1913, 18; “Pretty Cottage Near Hanford,” &lt;em&gt;The Seattle Daily Times&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle, WA), November 24, 1912; “Two homes and sage brush,” &lt;em&gt;Hanford History Project&lt;/em&gt;, accessed July 22, 2020, http://hanfordhistory.com/items/show/1106.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[13]&lt;/a&gt; “Blakely president of White Bluffs Club,” &lt;em&gt;The Seattle Daily Times&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle, WA), May 17, 1914, 27; “Notice by County Auditor: Primary Election for State and County Except Supreme Court Judges) Offices),” &lt;em&gt;The Kennewick Courier-Reporter&lt;/em&gt; (Kennewick, WA), September 3, 1914, 10.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[14]&lt;/a&gt; Parker, &lt;em&gt;Tales of Richland, White Bluffs &amp;amp; Hanford, 1805-1943&lt;/em&gt;, 157.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[15]&lt;/a&gt; Parker, &lt;em&gt;Tales of Richland, White Bluffs &amp;amp; Hanford, 1805-1943&lt;/em&gt;, 157; “Welch, Grape Juice King, Visits White Bluffs,” &lt;em&gt;The Kennewick Courier-Reporter&lt;/em&gt; (Kennewick, WA), December 1, 1911, 9.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[16]&lt;/a&gt; Parker, &lt;em&gt;Tales of Richland, White Bluffs &amp;amp; Hanford, 1805-1943&lt;/em&gt;, 149.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[17]&lt;/a&gt; Parker, &lt;em&gt;Tales of Richland, White Bluffs &amp;amp; Hanford, 1805-1943&lt;/em&gt;, 139, 141; Bauman and Franklin, &lt;em&gt;Nowhere to Remember&lt;/em&gt;, 24, 43; United States Department of Energy, &lt;em&gt;Hanford Cultural Resources Management Plan&lt;/em&gt;, D.68, D.76; Culture, 197, 205; Mendenhall, &lt;em&gt;Orchards of Eden&lt;/em&gt;, 138-139.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[18]&lt;/a&gt; Caldbick, “Federal District Judge Cornelius H. Hanford Resigns.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[19]&lt;/a&gt; Caldbick, “Federal District Judge Cornelius H. Hanford Resigns;” United Press Leased Wire, “Hanford Paid Visits to Woman,” The Tacoma Times (Tacoma, WA), July 2, 1912, 1.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[20]&lt;/a&gt; Caldbick, “Federal District Judge Cornelius H. Hanford Resigns.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[21]&lt;/a&gt; “School Directors Hold Convention,” &lt;em&gt;The Kennewick Courier-Reporter&lt;/em&gt; (Kennewick, WA), April 13, 1916, 1; “City Lagging in Big Drive for Red Cross,” &lt;em&gt;The Kennewick Courier-Reporter&lt;/em&gt; (Kennewick, WA), June 21, 1917, 1; “Committee Named to Greet Artillerymen,” &lt;em&gt;The Seattle Daily Times&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle, WA), December 10, 1918, 4.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[22]&lt;/a&gt; “Death of Judge Hanford,” &lt;em&gt;Washington Historical Quarterly&lt;/em&gt; 17, no. 2 (April 1926): 157-158; Caldbick, “Federal District Judge Cornelius H. Hanford Resigns.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[23]&lt;/a&gt; ‘Fruit Growers to Show Products at Exposition in Seattle,” &lt;em&gt;The Seattle Daily Times&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle, WA), September 13, 1921, 8.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[24]&lt;/a&gt; “Articles Filed with Secretary of State at Olympia,” &lt;em&gt;The Seattle Daily Times&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle, WA), September 22, 1922, 19; “9 Oil Wells Sunk in Benton County,” &lt;em&gt;The Oregon Daily Journal&lt;/em&gt; (Portland, OR), April 21, 1921, 2.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[25]&lt;/a&gt; “Councilmen O.K. Power Survey,” &lt;em&gt;The Seattle Daily Times&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle, WA), September 26, 1935, 14; “Seattle Man Takes Bride In Oregon,” &lt;em&gt;The Seattle Daily Times&lt;/em&gt; (Seattle, WA), September 22, 1924, 10.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title=""&gt;[26]&lt;/a&gt; “Manley B. Haynes.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
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                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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                    <text>Hanford History Project at Washington State University Tri-Cities</text>
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                    <text>1880</text>
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                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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                    <text>Allard Family collage of apricot and peach trees</text>
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                    <text>Six images. "Vern Chase planted about 440 young trees on Allard Ranch, WA. 1941. IT shows how good the soil was first along the river (The Columbia) two years later, the government of the US moved in for the Atomic Bomb Project. (Broke my father's heart)."  #1: March 1, 1941. Bare ground before plowed." #2: " 1st young trees. April 1, 1941." #3: "Same tree, May 1, 1941." #4: "Same tree, 1941 in June 1." #5: "July 1, 1941 one of aprioct trees." #6: "July 1, 1941 Same Peach tree." </text>
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                    <text>Harry and Juanita Anderson Collection</text>
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                    <text>Hanford History Project at Washington State University Tri-Cities</text>
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                    <text>1941</text>
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                <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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                    <text>Six images. "Vernon Chase loved to farm-almost a one man deal.  After Sam Allard left the ranch. #1 East end of Allard Ranch, 1941. #2 Vern Chase planted a corn field-young stalks. #3 West end of Allard Ranch, 1941.  #4 Vernon Chase's Corn fields at Allard, WA., 1941. (Later picture).  #5 Vern Chase planted corn between his young orchard, 1941.  Her wrote to Verna, 130 peach trees, 125 prune trees, 150 apricot trees, 35 apple trees.  A new orchard on lower 5 acres of Allard Ranch.  #6 Columbia River frozen over, 1941.  Dogs on the ice! </text>
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                    <text>1941</text>
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                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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                    <text>Five images. #1 "Grandma Allard (Delia) 1941." #2: "Columbia River Ranch at Allard 1941." #3: "Vern Chase's corn and grandaughters Marea and Sharon Thompson. 1941 East end of Ranch." #4: "Vernon Chase on Allard Ranch, WA 1941." #5: Vern Chase taken by his daughter about 1941 (Vern's) Looking for arrowheads at Allard." </text>
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                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Advances in irrigation were a main factor in the rise of migration to the Columbia Basin at the turn of the century. The Priest Rapids Irrigation &amp;amp; Power Company, later the Hanford Irrigation &amp;amp; Power Company, constructed irrigation canals and pumping stations to supply water to the growing agricultural area. The Hanford Irrigation &amp;amp; Power Company pump house was operated by Samuel Allard for three decades.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Samuel Moses Allard was born to Moses and Modess Allard in Churubusco, New York on March 3, 1859. The Allard Family moved to Red Lake Falls, Minnesota in 1881 where Samuel married Emma Malvina Marie Crompe on November 30 of that year. Allard was the first town clerk and assessor of Gervais Township in Red Lake County, Minnesota beginning in 1885 where he was in charge of recording all births and deaths. Samuel and Emma Allard had four children together prior to her death in 1888. Samuel remarried Delia (Mayhew) Allard in 1890 with whom he had an additional child.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Samuel, Delia and their daughter Anna moved to Washington State in 1908 when Samuel was hired by the Hanford Irrigation &amp;amp; Power Company (HIPC) to help construct an irrigation pumping station near the Coyote Rapids community. Coyote Rapids, located west of White Bluffs, was originally the village of P’na, which European settlers took from the people of the Wanapum tribe. The Coyote Rapids community was located in what is now the 100 K Area of the Hanford Nuclear Reservation. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Samuel was the primary operator for the HIPC hydroelectric pumping station, which supplied water to the nearby town sites of Hanford and White Bluffs through the Hanford Irrigation Canal. The Allard family owned around 200 acres of land in the Coyote Rapids community where they grew peaches, apricots, corn and alfalfa as well as raising cattle. In 1912 the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Railway added a stop in the Coyote Rapids area after which Samuel built a store and post office for the community, which then went by Allard. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Allard was very active in the community and local politics at times serving as president of the White Bluffs Commercial Club, postmaster for the local grange and County Commissioner of Benton County. Allard operated the Hanford Irrigation &amp;amp; Power Company pump house for thirty years, which led many to refer to it as “Allard Pump house” to this day. Samuel and Delia Allard divorced in 1926 and he married his third wife, Hortense, a few years later. Samuel and Hortense remained in the Allard community until the United States Government seized the land in 1943 for the creation of the Hanford Nuclear Reservation. The Allards moved to Prosser, Washington where Samuel Allard died in 1945.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>A virtual guide to the communities displaced when the federal government inaugurated the Manhattan Project on the Hanford Site in 1943. Funded by the Benton County, Washington Historical Preservation Grant.</text>
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                <text>The Hanford History Project at Washington State University Tri-Cities</text>
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                <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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                    <text>Hanford street scene, hotel and bank.&#13;
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                    <text>"A tree grows in Hanford-- Early century photo shows main street of the town of Hanford."&#13;
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                  <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The name Hanford is forever tied to the Manhattan Project and construction of the first atomic weaponry, but few traces remain of the town upon whose ruins the nuclear age was born. Although the town of Hanford was less than 40 years old when government bulldozers leveled its buildings to construct plutonium production facilities in the early 1940s, its residents had already built a resilient community and agricultural economy. Irrigation water was the lifeblood for many farming communities and Hanford owed its existence to large-scale irrigation projects. Entrepreneur Manley Bostwick Haynes and his father-in-law Judge Cornelius Hanford led these efforts, founding the Priest Rapids Irrigation &amp;amp; Power Company (PRIPC) in 1905 to irrigate 32,000 acres in the Priest Rapids Valley. These development efforts depended upon the successful establishment of a company town in the region, a seed Hanford and Haynes hoped would blossom into an economic powerhouse. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Early disagreements over the best location for a town contributed to the dissolution of the PRIPC. Some investors, including Hanford and Haynes, established the Hanford Irrigation &amp;amp; Power Company (HIPC) while others formed the White Bluffs Irrigation Company (WBIC).&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Although the old town of White Bluffs had been located along the eastern bank of the Columbia River, the WBIC established a new townsite on the western side where there was more space for growth.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; In 1907 the HIPC established its own town roughly seven miles downriver from White Bluffs, naming the community Hanford after the company’s president.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; That same year the HIPC completed the Hanford Ditch, an irrigation canal channeling water at Coyote Rapids to farmland near Hanford.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; In 1908 while engineers completed a power plant at Priest Rapids and a pumping station (Allard’s Pump House) to supply water to the Hanford Ditch, Daniel Pratt of &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;The Ranch&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; lauded the project as “A Great Irrigated Empire in the Making.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The HIPC shared this enthusiasm. Before the town had even been established, they advertised the fantastic profits to be made by those purchasing land at Hanford.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; As a result, Hanford quickly boomed. In 1908 &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;The Spokesman-Review&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; estimated a population “of between 200 and 300 people.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; By 1910 the population numbered 369, and several businesses dotted the town. The Jahnke and Parker Bank opened its doors, and newcomers rested at the newly constructed Planters and Columbia Hotels.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Initially, a single building served as both a school and a church.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Eventually Hanford grew to contain several churches and denominations and in 1917 the town constructed a new high school for local children.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The HIPC helped establish a town ferry service to compensate for the poor roads and dearth of bridges that hindered travel in the region.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Their crowning achievement came in 1913 when the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Railroad built a branch from Beverly to Hanford, allowing farmers to consistently ship produce to market.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The fertile soil of the Priest Rapids Valley proved excellent for growing high quality soft fruits, berries, and grapes as well as alfalfa and asparagus.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; However, farmers also needed a reliable irrigation system, something the HIPC struggled to provide. The Hanford Ditch was prone to washouts and seepage; expensive problems frequently encountered due to the loose, porous soil of the Priest Rapids Valley.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; For two decades the HIPC sputtered in the face of financial crises and litigation until disbanding in 1930 to be replaced by the Priest Rapids Irrigation District.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Hanford continued to grow despite these problems, albeit at a slower pace. By 1940 roughly 463 people lived in Hanford, a long way from the optimistic 40,000 predicted by &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;The Wenatchee Daily World&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; in 1907.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Fires periodically damaged the town, most notably in 1910 when much of Hanford’s business district burned and during the winter of 1936 when fire destroyed the Hanford High School.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Daily life was difficult, and families worked together to plant, cultivate, and harvest crops. Many farmers struggled to survive and often worked odd jobs to supplement meager farming incomes. The Great Depression exacerbated this poverty.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Nevertheless, resident Robert Brinson remembered Hanford was a safe community where “people… helped each other,” and many Priest Rapids Valley inhabitants later recalled feeling a strong community spirit.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Social activities defined life in Hanford. Local organizations included The Grange, local churches, and the town band, while events ranged from community fairs and July 4&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;&lt;span&gt;th&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; celebrations to school sporting events.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;On a national level, Hanford citizens thought of themselves as patriotic Americans, and during World War I and World War II raised money for the Red Cross, rationed food, sent care packages to soldiers overseas, and performed military service.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Washington State allocated land near Hanford for the Land Settlement Act of 1919, a program designed to provide subsidized land to veterans.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The impacts of World War II hit closer to home. Hanford residents were anguished when they received letters in March 1943 notifying them that their property had been acquired by the United States government and that they had a month to vacate the premises.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; After the Manhattan Project destroyed the town of Hanford, many displaced residents felt grief for the community they lost and for decades held reunions to keep old friendships alive. Today little remains of the once bustling town except for faint irrigation ditches and the ruins of the abandoned Hanford High School silhouetted against the sky.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                    <text>1924</text>
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                  <text>Guide to the Pre-Manhattan Project Towns of Hanford, White Bluffs, and Richland</text>
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                  <text>The towns of Hanford, White Bluffs and Richland Washington prior to 1943.</text>
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                  <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Located in northern Benton County with the Priest Rapids Dam to the west and the abandoned town of White Bluffs to the east, Vernita marks a historic embarkation point for travelers crossing the Columbia River. Local Native American tribes traversed this region thousands of years before European settlement, and the Wanapum Indians in particular valued the Priest Rapids Valley as a bountiful Sockeye Salmon fishery during the fall and a seasonal camp during the winter. The mid-nineteenth century saw an influx of Euro-Americans to the region as prospectors searched for gold and farmers traveled en-route to the Willamette Valley of Oregon. Although the region’s dry terrain attracted few farmers, ranchers valued the vast, unfenced open spaces and the plentiful bunchgrass that could be used as fodder for cattle and horses. After harsh winters in the 1880s destroyed cattle herds throughout the Washington territory, settlers near Priest Rapids Valley, inspired by a growing faith that modern science and engineering could reshape desert environments into lush farmland, turned increasingly towards agriculture as a source of subsistence and profit. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Vernita was one of the many small communities that developed during this period of settlement at the turn of the twentieth century. Before the construction of railroads, river steamers and ferries were lifelines for these secluded communities, providing critical transportation and shipping services.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Although residents had long preferred to cross the Columbia several miles east at the White Bluffs ford where the soil was firmer than the sandy banks further towards Priest Rapids, this did not stop German homesteader Otto Jaeger from opening a ferry business at Vernita in 1901.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; A fixture in the Vernita farming community, Jaeger maintained a home described by historian Martha Berry Parker as “a mecca for travelers and wayfarers.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; In the late 1900s entrepreneur Jackson T. Richmond assumed control over the Vernita ferry, and in 1908 he replaced Jaeger’s older oar and current-powered vessel with a newer cable ferry.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The eponymous “Richmond ferry” operated until 1943, providing vital transportation to local passengers and livestock alike.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; A public ferry service was revived in 1957 as part of a Washington State highway initiative, and remained in service until the construction of Vernita Bridge in 1965.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Irrigation was as vital to the early survival of the Vernita farming community as river transportation, and Vernita farmers were often forced to rely on private businesses such as the Priest Rapids Irrigation and Power Company (PRIPC) and its successor, the Hanford Irrigation and Power Company (HIPC). In 1908 the HIPC’s construction of the Priest Rapids Powerplant and the Coyote Rapids Pumping Plant (Allard Pump House) helped provide irrigation to the Priest Rapids Valley, but technical and financial difficulties hindering waterflow and corporate solvency ensured that access to water remained a perpetual concern for farmers.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Vernita farmers found that most crops could grow with proper irrigation. Although apples, peaches, cherries, and apricots were staple crops, the region’s climate is hospitable to a wide variety of produce ranging from strawberries and melons to tobacco and peanuts.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; One particularly notable example occurred in 1940 when the Kennewick &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;Courier-Reporter&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; announced that farmers at Vernita had discovered a new variety of fast ripening apricot in Paul Bruggerman’s orchard that they had christened “Riverland Moorpark.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Indeed, farmers and journalists often declared that crops grown at Vernita ripened earlier than produce grown in other areas of the state, a fact advertised by valley boosters seeking to encourage new settlement.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Although the first farmers at Vernita shipped fresh produce to market via riverboat, shipping schedules became more consistent and dependable in 1913 when the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Railroad extended a branch through Vernita on its route from Beverly, Washington to Hanford.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Despite these changes, Vernita remained a small town throughout its existence, dwarfed by the neighboring town of White Bluffs which had a population of 500 by 1940.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Residents maintained an adequate education system with some difficulty. Although children attended elementary school within Vernita, high school students were forced to travel to White Bluffs.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; This shortage of educational facilities was exacerbated in 1929 when the Vernita school building was destroyed by fire, an omnipresent threat on the dry and windy shrub steppe.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The Great Depression brought economic hardship to Vernita as produce markets collapsed, although farmers had the advantage of being able to grow their own food.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The economic crisis spurred a wave of federal spending that directly impacted the lives of Vernita residents. A country extension school was established in Vernita in 1933 to provide farmers with access to the latest agricultural research and techniques.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Vernita’s industry also evolved during the early 1940s when the Bonneville Power Administration constructed a new substation next to the town.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Named “Midway Substation” for its location between the newly completed Grand Coulee Dam and the Bonneville Dam, this facility was a valuable source of employment in the region.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Locals had little time to benefit from these developments. In March 1943, shocked and angry residents throughout the Priest Rapids Valley received government notifications stating that their properties had been acquisitioned for the war effort.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Vernita’s proximity to the Priest Rapids Power Plant and the Midway Substation was a blessing for some of Vernita’s residents. Although towns like Hanford and White Bluffs were bulldozed during the construction of the Hanford Site, Murrel Dawson recalls that the government allowed her father to remain in the Priest Rapids Valley until 1948 to operate the power plant.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Vernita itself survived into the 1970s as a company town housing the families of several Midway Substation employees.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The stretch of river next to Vernita Bridge and townsite remains a popular destination for salmon fishing, but little remains of the once vibrant agricultural community.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>A virtual guide to the communities displaced when the federal government inaugurated the Manhattan Project on the Hanford Site in 1943. Funded by the Benton County, Washington Historical Preservation Grant.</text>
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                    <text>Horn Rapids Dam</text>
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                    <text>Elva McGhan Wallace Collection</text>
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                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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                    <text>A virtual guide to the communities displaced when the federal government inaugurated the Manhattan Project on the Hanford Site in 1943. Funded by the Benton County, Washington Historical Preservation Grant.</text>
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                    <text>1944</text>
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                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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                    <text>A virtual guide to the communities displaced when the federal government inaugurated the Manhattan Project on the Hanford Site in 1943. Funded by the Benton County, Washington Historical Preservation Grant.</text>
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                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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                  <text>Guide to the Pre-Manhattan Project Towns of Hanford, White Bluffs, and Richland</text>
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                  <text>The towns of Hanford, White Bluffs and Richland Washington prior to 1943.</text>
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                  <text>Project funded by the Benton County, Washington Historical Preservation Grant. A virtual guide to the communities displaced when the federal government inaugurated the Manhattan Project on the Hanford Site in 1943. </text>
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                  <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;At the turn of the nineteenth century, farmers and entrepreneurs dreamed of large irrigation projects to transform the arid Priest Rapids Valley into a fertile breadbasket rivaling California. Soon irrigation ditches and canals both real and planned crisscrossed the region. Constructed in 1892, the Horn Rapids Dam (renamed Wanawish Dam in 1997) was the cornerstone to irrigation efforts along the lower Yakama River, controlling water levels and enabling the communities of Kennewick and Richland to thrive. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Horn Rapids Dam derives its name from its location on the Horn Rapids, a short strip of the Yakama River that makes an abrupt north-south U-turn before emptying into the Columbia. The Rapids are a traditional salmon and whitefish fishing ground for the Yakama and Wanapum Indian tribes, and a 1994 federal report clarifies that Wanawish in fact means “rock dam fishing place.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Native tribes gathered food throughout the valley during seasonal migrations, and Wanapum Chief Johnny Buck’s brother Frank remembered that the Wanapum Tribe often stopped at Horn Rapids during the middle of the summer.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Native men fished off of wooden fishing platforms using spears and dip nets, while women on the shore sliced fish open to dry on poles.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Although Euro-Americans forced many Washington tribes onto reservations, rights guaranteed by the Yakama Treaty of 1855 allowed Native Americans to continue fishing the Horn Rapids.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; These rights remain in effect today, and Native fishing platforms can still be seen along the Yakama River.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Euro-American settlers fished as well, and even in 1914, lucky fishermen caught 30-pound salmon.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Euro-Americans soon saw the Horn Rapids as an important location for agriculture as well. Although construction of Northern Pacific (NP) rail lines during the 1880s facilitated settlement, farmers needed irrigation.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The Yakama Irrigation and Improvement Company (YI&amp;amp;I) first tried to address this need. New York entrepreneurs founded the YI&amp;amp;I in 1888 and purchased thousands of acres of NP holdings in the Yakama Valley.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Initial plans were to construct an irrigation canal near Kiona and two canals originating on either side of the Horn Rapids, one to irrigate Kennewick to the south and one to irrigate farmland in the north (this northern community became Richland in 1905).&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The YI&amp;amp;I purchased water rights to the Horn Rapids in 1891, and in November 1892 superintendent I. W. Dudley announced the construction of a concrete dam to “extend the width of the river bed [for] 600 feet.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; This dam raised the height of the Yakama River to ensure canals received water throughout the year.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Despite the YI&amp;amp;I’s optimism, construction on its canal network progressed slowly, and the company faced persistent financial problems.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Although they successfully extended the southern canal to Kennewick in 1893 it was expensive to operate and maintain. Seepage caused by loose soil was a constant problem. Even a decade later some canals in the region still lost over 25% of their precious water to leaks.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; These plans came to naught when financial instability, exacerbated by the national economic crisis of 1893 and damage from severe flooding in 1894, collapsed the YI&amp;amp;I.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Large scale irrigation projects were thus put on hold until NP employee Thomas Cooper arrived in the region in 1901. Cooper and other NP officials were optimistic about irrigation’s potential. The NP could make money selling water and the increased agricultural production would simultaneously increase rail traffic.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; That year the Northwestern Improvement Company (NWI), an NP subsidiary, purchased what was left of the Kennewick Canal and the Horn Rapids Dam.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; NP officials worried about putting all their eggs in the NWI basket however, and so in 1902 the NWI transferred its Kennewick assets to the Northern Pacific Irrigation Company (NPI), a separate subsidiary.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; In addition to repairing the Kennewick Canal the NPI extensively renovated the Horn Rapids Dam, constructing a more “permanent dam” in 1903 to provide water for its irrigation holdings.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The new Horn Rapids Dam was constructed out of wood and rock using a timber crib design that remained unchanged for a century. Only after 1996 flooding severely damaged the structure did engineers install a concrete dam.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The Horn Rapids Dam is an example a successful early irrigation projects in the Arid West, providing vital water to farming communities on both sides of the Yakama River. Kennewick grew quickly over the next three decades as a result of the dam.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Administration changed in 1918 when the newly formed Columbia Irrigation District (CID) assumed control of NPI’s holdings, including the Kennewick Canal and Horn Rapids Dam.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; On the north side of the Yakama River developments followed a similar trajectory under the direction of local entrepreneurs. The Lower Yakama Improvement Company and the Benton Water Company both tried to irrigate farms along the lower Yakama and in 1908 used their joint resources to construct the 15-mile Richland Irrigation Canal. This canal serviced farms around Richland until the town was annexed by the United States government in 1943.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Land near Horn Rapids Dam was put to additional use when, in 1944, the American military constructed a facility called Colombia Camp to house the Hanford Site’s prison labor force.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Even today Horn Rapids Dam remains vital to Yakama River irrigation and serves as a valued fishing ground for Native tribes.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>A virtual guide to the communities displaced when the federal government inaugurated the Manhattan Project on the Hanford Site in 1943. Funded by the Benton County, Washington Historical Preservation Grant.</text>
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                  <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;In early March 1943, Priest Rapids Valley residents looked forward to a good harvest. Although valley farmers suffered during the Great Depression, rising crop prices caused by the ongoing war in Europe led many to finally see light at the end of the tunnel. These dreams shattered on March 6 when residents received official letters notifying them that the United States government had requisitioned their land for the war effort and that they were to vacate their homes within 30 days. Military officials with the Manhattan Project had selected the valley as the site for the world’s first plutonium production facility. Known as the Hanford Engineer Works (the Hanford Site), this installation eventually encompassed 670 square miles selected for its isolation, access to electric power from Bonneville and Grand Coulee Dams, and proximity to the Columbia River. The evictions displaced approximately 2,000 people and destroyed many of the small communities throughout the valley.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;American history is filled with similar tales. During the mid-nineteenth century the federal government pressured Native American tribes to cede vast portions of Washington State, enabling successive waves of Euro-American traders, gold miners, ranchers, and farmers to settle the Priest Rapids Valley.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; These settlements blossomed in the early twentieth century when irrigation projects watered the arid shrubsteppe.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Hanford and White Bluffs were two of the largest towns in the valley, and in 1940 had populations of 463 and 501 people respectively. Richland had a population of 247 but hundreds more resided on farms surrounding the town and homesteads and small communities dotted the valley.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The Wanapum Tribe also lived here as they had done for thousands of years.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Few people realized how suddenly this would change.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Residents later recalled seeing “surveyors, engineers, and appraisers” in early 1943. At the time few realized the significance of these sightings.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; At the start of the year the government had quietly prepared to requisition the region and on February 23 a federal court sanctioned these plans.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Authorities publicized this decision on March 6, notifying residents in Hanford, White Bluffs, the farms around Richland, and surrounding communities.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Emotions “ranged from resignation to shock and disbelief, [and] to anger and bitterness.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Residents had spent decades investing time, savings, and energy into their farms, and many cherished the bonds of friendship and community that held these towns together.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Hypotheses about the Hanford Site’s purpose ranged from a poison gas factory to toilet paper plant, but few explanations eased the emotional and financial burden carried by those facing eviction.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Inconsistent eviction dates added to confusion. Although most notices gave residents 30 days to leave, Army officials postponed evictions for people with farms near the edge of the Hanford Site until after fall harvest. Food was a vital resource in wartime.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Indeed, after farmers were evicted the government used prisoners to pick remaining fruit, and some orchards remained in cultivation until the end of the war.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Although the government offered residents compensation for lost property, different eviction dates and fluctuating crop prices created discrepancies when government appraisers assessed property values.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Observers and residents also argued that appraisers were poorly trained, used sloppy measurement techniques, and grossly misjudged market values.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Many evictees successfully sued the government, and courts often doubled the compensation farmers received.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Some rulings increased the land valuation “as high as 600 per cent.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;None of these rulings could reverse the displacement of Priest Rapids Valley residents. Although traces of Hanford and White Bluffs remain, bulldozers destroyed most of these communities.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Workers even exhumed bodies buried at White Bluffs Cemetery, reinterning the remains at the nearby town of Prosser.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Many evicted residents eventually resettled in towns around Washington.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Forced to buy new land at a time when prices were high, they often could not replace what they had lost.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; A few chose to stay as Hanford Site employees.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Richland remained standing, converted by Manhattan Project contractor DuPont into a “company town” built around servicing the Hanford Site.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Many buildings were used as offices and houses for government workers and in 1944 the town’s population numbered 11,000 people.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The establishment of the Hanford Site also severed the Wanapum tribe’s access to the valley. Although they received special permission to fish near White Bluffs in 1943, the military revoked this decision two years later.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Over the following decades, former White Bluffs and Hanford residents came together at annual reunions to reminisce about the communities they lost.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The Priest Rapids Valley achieved renown, first as the region where America’s nuclear arsenal was created and later as the repository for catastrophic quantities of environmental pollutants, but the communities that once stood here and the dreams of the people who lived in the valley remain buried underneath the sand and in distant memories.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>A virtual guide to the communities displaced when the federal government inaugurated the Manhattan Project on the Hanford Site in 1943. Funded by the Benton County, Washington Historical Preservation Grant.</text>
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                <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Approximately fifteen thousand years ago, roaring walls of water hundreds of feet high ripped through the Priest Rapids Valley at 80 miles an hour, scarring the hills and ridges, gouging out new ravines and coulees, and leaving sediment strewn across the landscape. All human and animal life in the path of the raging waters died instantly. Floods on this massive scale happened not once, but hundreds of times over the course of the last Ice Age, a period of glaciation lasting roughly 2.6 million years. During this time, glaciers across North America underwent cycles of expansion and contraction that lasted tens of thousands of years. The most recent cycle occurred between 80,000 and 15,000 years ago. The Cordilleran glacier spread south from Canada sending giant fingers of ice into Washington, Idaho, and Montana. One finger (the Purcell Trench ice lobe) traveled down the border of Idaho and Montana, creating an ice dam in the Rocky Mountains that prevented the flow of the Clark Fork River. Valleys behind the dam quickly filled with water to form 3,000 square mile Lake Missoula in Montana. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Geologists estimate that between 15,000 and 13,000 years ago the ice containing Lake Missoula failed as many as 100 separate times, creating what are known as the Missoula Floods.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Rising water either caused the ice dam to float, or melted and widened cracks until the dam collapsed. Torrents of water then swept south and west across eastern Washington, traveling hundreds of miles before emptying through the Willamette Valley of Oregon into the Pacific Ocean. Water traveled so fast that each flood only lasted a week. Floodwater scraped away topsoil to form the Channeled Scablands and dramatically reshaped the topography of central and eastern Washington.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Other giant floods also occurred during this period. Seventeen thousand years ago, Lake Bonneville (the larger ancestor of the Great Salt Lake) in Utah smashed through its rocky bank, sending water as far north as Washington.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Glacial Lake Columbia in northern Washington also unleashed water when the glacier containing it retreated at the end of the ice age.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Together these floods significantly impacted the environment and landscape of the Priest Rapids Valley.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The landmarks these floods left behind are readily distinguishable today. As floodwaters advanced south, they slammed into the Saddle Mountains along the northern border of the Priest Rapids Valley. Too high to breach, the mountains forced water west through Sentinel Gap just south of Beverly and east along what became the Ringold and Koontz Coulees, flowing down towards Hanford.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Missoula floodwaters slowed when they reached the narrow Wallula Gap southeast of Kennewick, a two mile opening in the Horse Heaven Hills through which the Columbia River flows to the sea. Excess floodwater quickly backed up into the Yakama and Priest Rapids Valleys, forming Lake Lewis.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; When the water slowed it deposited sediment, forming the Priest Rapids Bar near Priest Rapids Dam and Cold Creek Bar where much of the Hanford Site rests today. The Cold Creek Bar rerouted the Columbia River, blocking its original route south and forcing it east past the Hanford Site and White Bluffs. Flood deposits also rerouted the Yakama River, channeling it north through the Horn Rapids. On the Hanford Site, water completely covered Gable Mountain, eroding its slopes into the narrow, elongated shape seen today. Floodwaters also eroded the bluffs east of the Columbia, exposing distinctive white soil that gave name to the early town of White Bluffs.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Could humans have witnessed these massive floods and lived to tell the tale? There is little evidence either way, although some Native American oral histories have reportedly been passed down for 14,000 years, and many stories from the region do refer to historic floods.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; In addition, Rattlesnake Mountain on the southern edge of the Priest Rapids Valley and one of the few landmarks higher than the floodwater is known to Native tribes as Laliik, or “‘stands above the water.’”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Anyone lucky enough to survive the flooding would have had a difficult time remaining in the valley however. It takes time for plant and animal life to recover, and cyclical flooding ensured repeated destruction every several decades.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;As floodwaters emptied out of the Priest Rapids Valley, they left behind rocky debris from grounded icebergs and layers of sandy sediment.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Thousands of years later, this sediment defines agricultural life in the region. Many crops grow well here, and the region is particularly well suited to grapes that thrive in the dry, permeable soil.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Many American Viticultural Areas (AVAs) denoting quality wine regions are concentrated around the Priest Rapids Valley.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Conversely, this loose, water-permeable soil also ensures that all but the best insulated irrigation canals constantly leak.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Loose soil also contributes to frequent dust storms, a fact many new Hanford Site employees discovered when they arrived.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Perhaps the most pressing concern is the fact that the majority of the Hanford Site’s slowly leaking nuclear waste remains stored in this ice age sediment.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The age of these mammoth floods has long past, but their presence remains etched in the valley and the lives of its inhabitants.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;One hot summer Sunday on July 28, 1996, college students William Thomas and David Deacy trekked along the Columbia River’s muddy shoreline hoping to witness the annual Columbia Cup hydroplane race, a Tri-Cities tradition since 1966. While walking through the muddy shallows at Columbia Park in Kennewick they were shocked to come upon a human skull partially buried in the shoreline. They notified the police of this unexpected find, who in turn sent the remains to Floyd Johnson of the Benton County coroner’s office for identification. Johnson was surprised by the age of the remains and promptly contacted consulting archeologist Dr. James Chatters for assistance. When the exact age of the find remained in doubt, Chatters sent a fragment of bone to be radiocarbon dated at the University of California, Riverside. The initial results indicated the individual soon to be dubbed by scientists and the press as “the Kennewick Man” and by Native American tribes as “the Ancient One,” was approximately 9,000 years old. This discovery initiated one of the most contentious debates over the handling of human remains in American history while casting light on the historical legacy of Native Americans in Washington State.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;This unique find reflects the fact that Native Americans resided in the Priest Rapids Valley for millennia. Indeed, the oldest discovered artifacts date back approximately 11,000 years.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Although the remains were discovered at the confluence of the Columbia, Snake, and Yakima rivers, an ancient hub of travel and trade, there is little certainty surrounding the Ancient One’s life and death.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Bone analyses determined he frequently maneuvered a spear and knapped stone into points. As a young man he even recovered from a spear injury to his hip, but the stone point remained lodged in his bone.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Isotopic analyses also concluded that salmon may well have been a primary ingredient in his diet; deer, salmon, and camas bulbs are ancient staple resources in the region.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Following the initial discovery the Umatilla, Yakama, Wanapum, Colville, and Nez Perce tribes of Washington and Idaho united to claim the Ancient One as their ancestor.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Tribal oral histories dating back thousands of years are consistent with the 2015 analysis of DNA remnants by a team of Danish scientists led by Dr. Eske Willerslev confirming the Ancient One was indeed related to contemporary Native Americans.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The Ancient One’s heritage became a point of controversy once Dr. Chatters announced the age of the remains. This raised the possibility that the Army Corps of Engineers, who controlled the excavation site, was obligated to repatriate the body to Native tribes under the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) of 1990. However, Chatters’ most controversial statement was his conclusion that the skeleton appeared to have “Caucasoid” features indicating the individual shared more traits in common with Europeans than Native Americans.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Although Chatters noted his findings did not mean Europeans had reached the continent before Native Americans, much nuance was lost in the subsequent publicity, and many articles questioned whether Native Americans were truly the original inhabitants of the Americas.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The Umatilla and allied tribes argued that such statements were highly offensive, and petitioned for immediate repatriation of the remains and a halt to all further study.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Native remains have often been misappropriated and stolen by anthropologists and archeologists. Many tribes felt that the scientists and the press were using the find to dismiss and delegitimize Native oral histories and claims to the land, the latest steps in a long history of abuse.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The Army Corps of Engineers supported the tribes in their quest for repatriation, prompting fears in the scientific community that a chance to examine an ancient human and answer questions about early American settlement would be lost forever.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; In October 1996, eight scientists sued to halt repatriation and allow the remains to be studied, initiating a twenty-year legal battle documented in numerous books and articles.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; At the heart of their case was the argument that NAGPRA only applied to modern tribes, and that remains so ancient could not be definitively attributed to any “existing tribes or cultures.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; After a lengthy process of adjudication the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals handed down the final verdict in 2004, ruling in the scientists’ favor and authorizing analysis of the remains.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The situation changed in 2015 when new DNA technology enabled researchers to safety conclude that the Ancient One was related to “modern Native Americans.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; As a result of these findings the federal government repatriated the Ancient One’s remains to the allied tribes for reburial at a secret location along the Columbia River.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The discovery of the Ancient One demonstrates the need to establish and cultivate productive and respectful relationships between academic researchers and local tribes and communities, but also shines light onto the history of the Priest Rapids Valley and the people who resided in these lands over the last ten thousand years.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;On May 29, 1855, 5,000 Native American chiefs and tribal delegates to the Walla Walla Treaty Conference gathered on the grasslands near Walla Walla to meet with Washington Territory’s Governor Isaac Stevens and Oregon Territory’s Superintendent of Indian Affairs Joel Palmer to negotiate tribal boundaries in eastern Washington. An afternoon rainstorm foreboded turbulent times ahead. After convening for two weeks, tribal representatives agreed to cede 60,000 square miles to the United States government in exchange for the Yakama Reservation in Washington, the Umatilla Reservation in Oregon, and the Nez Perce Reservation in Idaho. These concessions opened land to Euro-American settlement in the Priest Rapids Valley and profoundly reshaped the political geography of Washington.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;During the nineteenth century, many Euro-Americans adhered to the ideology of Manifest Destiny calling for divinely sanctioned continental expansion. Governor Stevens was no different. In 1853 after President Franklin Pierce appointed him both Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs in the newly created Washington Territory, Stevens promptly used his authority and his military surveying experience to promote Euro-American settlement and railroad networks in the Pacific Northwest, aided by army surveyor Captain George McClellan who later rose in fame as Union Commander during the American Civil War.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Stevens believed that before his plans could come to fruition he needed to legally abolish Native claims to the land.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Between 1854 and 1855 Stevens pressured Puget Sound tribes into signing treaties that confined them to reservations while ceding much of the west coast to the United States.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; He pushed tribes to exchange traditional migratory lifestyles for European-style farming, and like many Euro-Americans saw reservations as a temporary step to assimilate Native Americans into “civilized” society.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; In mid-1855 Stevens and Palmer approached tribes of the Columbia Basin hoping to achieve similar concessions.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Leaders from the Yakama, Umatilla, Cayuse, Walla Walla, Nez Perce, and associated tribes traveled to Walla Walla to listen to their proposals.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Yakama Chief Kamiakin initially tried to unite other leaders in opposition to any exploitative treaties.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Stevens and Palmer undermined this unity by cajoling and threatening the delegates. Stevens emphasized the benefits of farming, claimed the United States would make generous payments in clothing and equipment, and warned that reservations provided protection against “bad white men.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Palmer declared that Native Americans and Euro-Americans could never live together in harmony, disingenuously warning that without reservations and special protections, tribes would suffer theft and abuse at the hands of settlers.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Interpreter Andrew Pambrun claimed Stevens also told Kamiakin “if you do not accept the terms offered… you will walk in blood knee deep.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Gold had also been recently discovered in northern Washington, and few Native leaders could safely ignore the genocidal fate suffered by thousands of Native Americans during the California gold rush of 1849.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Faced with these dire choices, Native leaders felt they had little choice but to agree to Stevens’ terms.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Stevens did make limited concessions. Tribes retained the right to fish and hunt on ceded lands, practices vital for physical and spiritual sustenance.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; In addition, although Stevens only proposed the Yakama and Nez Perce reservations, tribal representatives successfully demanded a third reservation for the Umatilla, Walla Walla, and Cayuse tribes.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; On June 9 delegates signed the Yakama Nation Treaty of 1855 and the Walla Walla, Cayuse, and Umatilla Treaty of 1855. According to Pambrun, when Kamiakin signed “he was in such a rage that he bit his lips that they bled profusely.”&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; A treaty with the Nez Perce was signed two days later.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Stevens achieved the land concessions he desired, but his domineering attitude laid the foundation for future conflict. He conveniently overlooked the fact decentralized tribal leadership precluded any single chief from speaking for the entire tribe. Many groups impacted by the treaties of 1855 were not even represented at the council.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; Stevens added to Native grievances by allowing Euro-American settlement in ceded territory before the treaties were ratified by Congress, and resulting skirmishes with miners only escalated tensions. The death of Indian Agent A. J. Bolon in September 1855 at the hands of Yakama warriors angry over the murder of a Native family started the Yakama War, a period of hostility lasting until 1858. Skirmishes erupted across Washington as the United States Army and territorial volunteers clashed with Yakama warriors supported by tribes throughout the Columbia Basin.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; In 1856 a young Cornelius Hanford, founding father of the town of Hanford, took refuge in the Seattle blockhouse when Native tribes attacked the community.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;There were few hostilities in the vicinity of White Bluffs, but the Priest Rapids Valley provided a useful trade and travel route for soldiers and civilians throughout this period.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; The Army forbade Euro-American settlement in eastern Washington due to the potential danger, but lifted these restriction after 1858.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; In 1859, Congress finally ratified the Walla Walla Conference treaties, marking a traumatic period of displacement for many Native Americans.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; There were a few exceptions, however. Arguing they had never signed a treaty with the United States, the Wanapum Tribe quietly remained in the Priest Rapids Valley where they had resided for thousands of years.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; In the early 1940s the Army temporarily allowed Wanapum members to continue accessing traditional fishing grounds on the restricted Hanford Site.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The rights and stipulations enumerated in the treaties of 1855 still impact Native life. Fishing and hunting on ceded land remain cherished rights.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; These treaties also codified arbitrary boundaries drawn by United States officials when delineating tribal identities. The Yakama Treaty confederated fourteen disparate tribal bands into the Yakama Nation while the Walla Walla, Cayuse, and Umatilla Treaty placed three separate tribes onto one reservation, laying the foundations for contemporary Native political identities in the Columbia Basin.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                    <text>Allard Pumphouse</text>
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              <element elementId="49">
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                <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                    <text>A virtual guide to the communities displaced when the federal government inaugurated the Manhattan Project on the Hanford Site in 1943. Funded by the Benton County, Washington Historical Preservation Grant.</text>
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                <name>Publisher</name>
                <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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                    <text>Hanford History Project at Washington State University Tri-Cities</text>
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                </elementTextContainer>
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                <name>Date</name>
                <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                    <text>1943</text>
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                </elementTextContainer>
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              <element elementId="47">
                <name>Rights</name>
                <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
                <elementTextContainer>
                  <elementText elementTextId="40938">
                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
                  </elementText>
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                <name>Title</name>
                <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                    <text>Allard Pumphouse</text>
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              <element elementId="49">
                <name>Subject</name>
                <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                    <text>A virtual guide to the communities displaced when the federal government inaugurated the Manhattan Project on the Hanford Site in 1943. Funded by the Benton County, Washington Historical Preservation Grant.</text>
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                <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                    <text>Abandoned Allard Pumphouse after the creation of the Hanford Site. </text>
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                <name>Source</name>
                <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
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                    <text>Harry and Juanita Anderson Collection</text>
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                <name>Publisher</name>
                <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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                    <text>Hanford History Project at Washington State University Tri-Cities</text>
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                <name>Date</name>
                <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                    <text>1968</text>
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              <element elementId="47">
                <name>Rights</name>
                <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
                <elementTextContainer>
                  <elementText elementTextId="40945">
                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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                    <text>Henry Allard at Priest Rapids Power Plant (Allard Pumphouse)</text>
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                <name>Subject</name>
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                    <text>A virtual guide to the communities displaced when the federal government inaugurated the Manhattan Project on the Hanford Site in 1943. Funded by the Benton County, Washington Historical Preservation Grant.</text>
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                    <text>"Henry Allard at Priest Rapids Power Plant in 1927 before he moved to Joseph, Oregon in 1929 to run a power plant for 30 years."</text>
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                    <text>Harry and Juanita Anderson Collection</text>
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              <element elementId="45">
                <name>Publisher</name>
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                    <text>Hanford History Project at Washington State University Tri-Cities</text>
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                    <text>1927</text>
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              <element elementId="47">
                <name>Rights</name>
                <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
                <elementTextContainer>
                  <elementText elementTextId="40952">
                    <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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              <name>Title</name>
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                  <text>Guide to the Pre-Manhattan Project Towns of Hanford, White Bluffs, and Richland</text>
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              <name>Subject</name>
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                  <text>The towns of Hanford, White Bluffs and Richland Washington prior to 1943.</text>
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              <name>Description</name>
              <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="40715">
                  <text>Project funded by the Benton County, Washington Historical Preservation Grant. A virtual guide to the communities displaced when the federal government inaugurated the Manhattan Project on the Hanford Site in 1943. </text>
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              <name>Creator</name>
              <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                  <text>The Hanford History Project at Washington State University Tri-Cities</text>
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              </elementTextContainer>
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            <element elementId="47">
              <name>Rights</name>
              <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="40799">
                  <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Allard Pumphouse</text>
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          <element elementId="49">
            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>A virtual guide to the communities displaced when the federal government inaugurated the Manhattan Project on the Hanford Site in 1943. Funded by the Benton County, Washington Historical Preservation Grant.</text>
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          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="40830">
                <text>Hanford History Project at Washington State University Tri-Cities</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="40831">
                <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this collection should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu, who can provide specific rights information for these items.</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
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            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="40978">
                  <text>CREHST Museum Oral Histories</text>
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            <element elementId="49">
              <name>Subject</name>
              <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                  <text>Oral History; Hanford Site; Richland, WA</text>
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            <element elementId="41">
              <name>Description</name>
              <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="40980">
                  <text>Oral Histories conducted at and collected by the Columbia River Exhibition of History, Science &amp; Technology (CREHST) Museum.  The CREHST Museum, closed in 2014, was dedicated to preserving the history of the Hanford Site and Richland, WA and held the Department of Energy's Hanford Collection.  After closure of the CREHST Museum most records and archival holdings were transferred to Washington State University's Hanford History Project where they are now held.  </text>
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            <element elementId="39">
              <name>Creator</name>
              <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                  <text>CREHST Museum, Gary Fetterolf, Terry Andre</text>
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              </elementTextContainer>
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              <name>Date</name>
              <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                  <text>1999-2013</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
            </element>
            <element elementId="47">
              <name>Rights</name>
              <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="40983">
                  <text>All resources have consent transferred to Washington State University's Hanford History Project.  Contact Hanford History Project for information on use and rights.  </text>
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            <element elementId="44">
              <name>Language</name>
              <description>A language of the resource</description>
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                  <text>English.  </text>
                </elementText>
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            <element elementId="43">
              <name>Identifier</name>
              <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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                  <text>RG2-4A</text>
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              </elementTextContainer>
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            <element elementId="81">
              <name>Spatial Coverage</name>
              <description>Spatial characteristics of the resource.</description>
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                  <text>Hanford Site; Richland, WA</text>
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            <element elementId="82">
              <name>Temporal Coverage</name>
              <description>Temporal characteristics of the resource.</description>
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                  <text>1943-1990</text>
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            <element elementId="90">
              <name>Provenance</name>
              <description>A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="40988">
                  <text>Oral histories originally conducted by, or collected by, the CREHST Museum.  Property and rights transferred to Washington State University upon CREHST closure in 2014</text>
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              </elementTextContainer>
            </element>
            <element elementId="91">
              <name>Rights Holder</name>
              <description>A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource.</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="40989">
                  <text>Washington State University's Hanford History Project.  </text>
                </elementText>
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      <name>Oral History</name>
      <description>A resource containing historical information obtained in interviews with persons having firsthand knowledge.</description>
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          <name>Interviewer</name>
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              <text>Gary Fetterolf</text>
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        <element elementId="3">
          <name>Interviewee</name>
          <description>The person(s) being interviewed</description>
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              <text>James (Jim) Daniel Anderson</text>
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        <element elementId="4">
          <name>Location</name>
          <description>The location of the interview</description>
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            <elementText elementTextId="41006">
              <text>Home of James Anderson</text>
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        </element>
        <element elementId="5">
          <name>Transcription</name>
          <description>Any written text transcribed from a sound</description>
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            <elementText elementTextId="41007">
              <text>N/A</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="11">
          <name>Duration</name>
          <description>Length of time involved (seconds, minutes, hours, days, class periods, etc.)</description>
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            <elementText elementTextId="41008">
              <text>1:44:06</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="93">
          <name>Hanford Sites</name>
          <description>Any sites on the Hanford site mentioned in the interview</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="41009">
              <text>Tank Farms; Burial Grounds</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="40990">
                <text>James Daniel Anderson Oral History</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="49">
            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="40991">
                <text>Life in Richland; Work at Hanford: Operations Supervisor; Lab Supervisor; Engineering at Tank Farms and Burial Ground.</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="41">
            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="40992">
                <text>An oral history conducted with James Daniel Anderson.  Interview conducted by Gary Fetterolf.  </text>
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          </element>
          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                <text>CREHST</text>
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          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="40994">
                <text>Hanford History Project</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                <text>7/12/2012</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="40996">
                <text>Those interested in reproducing part or all of this oral history should contact the Hanford History Project at ourhanfordhistory@tricity.wsu.edu.</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="42">
            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
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                <text>.mp4 file</text>
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          <element elementId="44">
            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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                <text>English</text>
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          <element elementId="51">
            <name>Type</name>
            <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
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                <text>Oral History Interview</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="43">
            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="41000">
                <text>RG2-4A T.2012.004</text>
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          </element>
          <element elementId="38">
            <name>Coverage</name>
            <description>The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant</description>
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                <text>||||osm&#13;
Hanford Site (Wash.)&#13;
Richland, WA</text>
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          <element elementId="78">
            <name>Extent</name>
            <description>The size or duration of the resource.</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="41002">
                <text>1:44:06</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="91">
            <name>Rights Holder</name>
            <description>A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource.</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="41003">
                <text>Hanford History Project at Washington State University Tri-Cities</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
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              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="40978">
                  <text>CREHST Museum Oral Histories</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
            </element>
            <element elementId="49">
              <name>Subject</name>
              <description>The topic of the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="40979">
                  <text>Oral History; Hanford Site; Richland, WA</text>
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                  <text>CREHST Museum, Gary Fetterolf, Terry Andre</text>
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              <text>Todd Kenning</text>
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              <text>CREHST Oral History Project&#13;
TITLE: Dr. Bair Comment&#13;
INTERVIEW DATE: October 25, 2004&#13;
INTERVIEW LOCATION: CREHST&#13;
INTERVIEWER: Todd Kenning&#13;
INTERVIEWED: William J. Bair&#13;
TRANSCRIBER: Robert Clayton&#13;
&#13;
Dr. Bair was a pioneer in the field of health physics. He was employed at Hanford beginning in the era when GE was the prime contractor. He did innovative research on the effects of radiation using animal models. &#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: I was born in Jackson, Michigan 80 years ago. Lived most of my early life in Ohio. I was drafted in to the Army in 1943. Prior to that for a few months after I got out of high school I worked on the railroad as a machinist in the roundhouse. So that was a good experience because I knew I wasn’t going to do that for the rest of my life. But anyway I was drafted in ’43 and served in the infantry for 3 years in combat in Europe. I was in Czechoslovakia at the end of the war in Europe. And then my division was shipped to the Pacific for the invasion of Japan. Of course by the time we got there the bombs had been dropped and I stayed as part of the Army of Occupation for I guess maybe up to 6 months. I think it’s ironic that the bomb of course one of them was fueled with plutonium saved my life. I talked to Glenn Seaborg about that on a couple of occasions because he had a nephew that said the same thing. But anyway it’s ironic that I ended up out here at Hanford doing most of my research on plutonium. The health effects of plutonium. &#13;
&#13;
KENNING: And what year did you come out? Where did you get your schooling?&#13;
&#13;
DR&gt; BAIR: After I got back from the Army in ’46 I went to Ohio-Wesleyan University and got a bachelor’s degree in chemistry. And then I got a fellowship a National Academy of Sciences fellowship in Radiological Physics at the University of Rochester in Rochester, New York. That first year it’s what we call Health Physics now. They didn’t have that term or use that term at that time. And at the end of the first year I was asked by Newell Stannert a professor there if I would stay on as a graduate student. And I did that with the idea that I would do my research in radiation biology. The biological effects of radiation. But at that time they had no degree program so I was in the Department of Physiology for a year until they got that program established. I finished my PhD in 1954 and I received the first PhD in Radiation Biology in the world. That’s my one claim to fame. Incidentally my professor Newell Stannert he’s about 94 now and still alive in San Diego. I gave a lecture this last spring in his honor down in California. But then after I graduated and got my degree in ’54 I looked around for a place. I had options at Yale, Oak Ridge, Tennessee, and out here. My wife and I decided we’d try the west. And they offered more money too, which was a big factor. But anyway we came out in 1954. I came out to do research at the cellular level. And within 2 years I was working on the effects of breathing radioactive material because at that time there were concerns about workers being exposed to plutonium, ruthenium, and other aerosols in the workplace. Also at that time there were ruthenium particles being dispersed in the plant environment out here. Most of them were large enough that you could actually pick them up. But they were still concerned about the people actually breathing them. Anyway that’s how I began to get into the inhalation area. I served in that position until about 1960 so that was about 14 years 15 years. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: So that was the?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Inhalation of radioactive materials.&#13;
&#13;
TODD: Did the program have a title?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Not specifically. It was the Inhalation of Radioactive Materials. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: And the department you were working for?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: I was in the Biology Department.&#13;
&#13;
TODD: The Biology Department for the Department of Energy?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: No no no this was back in the days of the Atomic Energy Commission. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: Right oh ok still AEC.&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Right. Now the Biology Department I should say something about the Biology Department. When the plant started up out here the management brought in Herb Parker from Oak Ridge. Herb Parker had been out in Seattle. He was an Englishman from Manchester but he had been at Swedish Hospital. When the atomic energy business got started they hired him to go back to Oak Ridge to start a program to look after the health of the workers. They knew nothing about radiation protection in those days. I shouldn’t say that because they did have some experience with radium and other things but certainly this was a totally new ball game. When the    aspect or prospect of making plutonium and other radioactive materials was totally new. So they brought Herb in to organize a radiation protection program, a health protection program, at Oak Ridge. And he did that. Actually he really started the whole field of Health Physics. Then when Hanford began operations out here they asked him to come out here and essentially set up the same program. One of the first things he did was to hire Dick Foster, a PhD from the University of Washington in the fisheries department, to come over and set up a research program to monitor and study the potential effects of the operations here on the salmon and other aquatic life. Then they also began shortly after that to look at the other aspects of the environment. The terrestrial environment…the whole ball of works. I mean what was going to be the impact of this plant on this whole area? &#13;
&#13;
TODD: What was the time frame when they started doing this? &#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: They started doing this shortly after he arrived and I can’t tell you the exact date. I think I could find the date for you.&#13;
&#13;
TODD: But approximately what year?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: It was approximately 1953. Oh whoops I’m off by 10 years about ‘43/’44. Anyway one of the groups that they began to set up was one to look at health effects. And this was when they hired Harry Konanberg. I think he might actually have been at Oak Ridge too to come out and get started this biology department. Initially this whole operation was in the same group as the medical people, which was headed by Dag Norwood. Dag Norwood was one of the first persons to really develop a very effective a health surveillance program for workers in the atomic field. Of course he died a number of years ago but his legacy is still out here in the Hanford Environmental Health Foundation. But anyway shortly after that time probably around 1947 I suppose ’48 maybe even earlier they split off separated the biology environmental work from the medical. And they also at the same time separated out the health physics- the routine monitoring of workers and the film badges and all that kind of work they separated that out.&#13;
&#13;
TODD: Ok when you came here in 1954 if you could tell us what your work was and kind of what it was like around here in ’54.&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: When I arrived in ’54. First I’ll tell you a little bit about the biology department that I joined. The main effort of the biology department had been was still looking at the potential effects of radioiodine. And they had a large herd of sheep that they were working with. Dr. Leo Bustad who eventually became dean of the Veterinary School at Washington State University was in charge of that program. They also had a herd of miniature pigs. And they also developed a strain of white pigs because they were interested in looking at the potential effects of these particles these so called “Hot” particles ruthenium particles on the skin. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: What was the name of these particles?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Hot particles. That’s where that term originated. In this case they were particles of radioactive ruthenium. And these were crystalline materials crystalline particles that had been released from the separations stacks. So they were out in the environment. So one of the points they were looking at was what the potential hazard of those particles were when they fell on people’s skin. So they used pigs to do that. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: And the white pigs were?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Good animals for that. They used the miniature pigs then for studies similar to what they had done for sheep. Miniature pigs were good because they took up a lot less space and they ate a lot less food. They were a good experimental animal and I think some descendants of that herd they developed out here are still being used in the pharmaceutical industry and other places. At least we sold some to some of those companies from the private Battelle herd. Anyway the emphasis there in the animal area was on the hot particles and the iodine. We were beginning to get interested in plutonium because there was a potential for people being exposed at the plant of course. The environmental people were going out and collecting samples from the field. Wayne Hanson, Bob Genoway was another one. They would get on a big Dodge pickup like vehicle they had a seat mounted up there and they would go out shooting jackrabbits. I have photographs of some of that. So they collected samples that way to see if any radioactive material was being picked up by those animals. Essentially monitoring the environment that way. They also had plant studies going on to try to determine whether the radioactive material if any of it that was released was causing any or would cause any problem with plant growth. Before I arrived back in the ‘40’s they had a farm across the river over at Ringgold that they farmed. They did that over there because it was far enough away from the site that it would not be contaminated. So they did some studies over there. So the biology program was pretty extensive when I arrived. The river problem was actually chromium because they used chromium in the cooling water to prevent to reduce corrosion in the reactor. So they were concerned about chromium toxicity in the aquatic in particularly in the salmon. A lot of work was done on that. There was a small group looking at fairly basic kinds of effects and that’s the group I was hired into. My boss was Frank Hungate who is no longer here. He’s in Seattle. I looked at microorganisms looking at potential genetic effects of radioactive materials. We were interested primarily in whether when you have a radioactive material when it decays it becomes another element. Sulfur-35 becomes a chlorine. So if you have radioactive sulfur in a biological molecule and all of a sudden becomes chlorine what happens?  Could that trigger a mutation? So that was the first thing I actually worked on.&#13;
&#13;
TODD: Excuse me sir. In microorganisms? What particular?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Ecoli was one of them and we used various yeast. Anyway our objective was to determine was that particular mechanism was the potential for causing mutations. We had some results that weren’t all that exciting.&#13;
&#13;
TODD: That’s typical science isn’t it? &#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Oh yeah that’s right. And I don’t think anyone is looking at that area now. But after I had been there 2 years the man who had been hired. He was a physician. Ralph Waggert had been hired to develop a program looking at potential effects of breathing radioactive materials. He was working with 2 people: Lewis Temple his son is actually a physician here in town Edward Temple. Another one was Don Willard and another one was Victor Smith. And Victor Smith lives in Kennewick and Don Willard lives in Kennewick also. Ralph Waggert died suddenly and I was selected, elected, drafted or whatever to take over responsibility for that program. The reason I was asked to do it the University of Rochester had led the field in developing the technology for studying radioactive materials in the air radioactive aerosols. They had the aerosol technology program there. They began to do the studies. They were really leading the field. Primarily in uranium. A lot of uranium was being used in those days for the weapons program of course. And a lot of that dust was spread around in those big plants out here, in Oak Ridge, and other places. So the University of Rochester had this large program going on to study the toxicology of uranium. So since I was at Rochester some of that had to have rubbed off on me. I was supposed to have absorbed some of that. Well I had some classes.&#13;
&#13;
TODD: Well it was so brand new the whole concept.&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Well true. But anyway I was drafted to take responsibility for that program. And I learned a lot. I learned a lot from Lew Temple and Don Willard and the people who were already working in it. But we found from some of our first studies we actually were the first to prove that if you gave animals enough plutonium in the repertory tract if they inhaled enough you could eventually get some cancers. And I have to tell you that the idea that you can easily produce cancers, lung cancers, by inhaling plutonium is wrong. It was a long trial and error period to get just exactly the right dose. You could give them enough plutonium that the radioactivity would actually damage the lungs so severely that it would kill the animal. And of course if the animal died in a month or two months it wouldn’t live long enough to demonstrate a cancer. So we had to work hard to develop techniques that would really show if plutonium would cause a cancer. And we did finally find that you could give enough but not too much that you would begin to find a few lung cancers in mice and rats. I think probably the most important study along that line was with dogs. And this was, you asked about dogs earlier. At this time it was kind of rare for us to do work for other agencies we were working for the Atomic Energy Commission. But the Air Force was interested in the effects of plutonium because they were carrying bombs with plutonium in them. They asked us to do a study looking at the effects of being exposed to large amounts of plutonium aerosols. So we did that and we had a few dogs on the lower dose end that lived you know 2 years. And so we just we kept them. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: What kind of dogs were they?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Beagles. Now we chose beagles because back in Cornell I was a graduate student. Cornell University had developed a beagle colony. They were looking for an animal species that would be useful for relating to potential human effects and I don’t even know what they were studying at the time. But they found that the beagle was a very good animal for this purpose. So they developed background information on beagle dogs. And that helped us because we didn’t have to do a lot of that it was already done. So we selected the beagle dogs for that study. We bought from licensed dealers we didn’t go around getting pets from anybody. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: That’s pretty important that you did not go around taking people’s pets.&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: We eventually got some beagle dogs from I believe Washington State University and also from down in California at Davis. They had a beagle colony down there. But anyway we eventually had about 3 or 4 different groups of beagles and we set up our own colony. We raised our own dogs. WE were self-contained in a sense. And I might just add while were on this subject. Our dogs we had I forget just how many veterinarians we had working out there. Those dogs and of course the other animals too they had the full time attention of veterinarians and specialized animal care people. The dogs and all the animals were in probably the best facilities and certainly received better care than any animals in the community. They had the regular health check-ups and received all the inoculations they needed. And besides that they were well fed and cared for. We had probably some of the oldest beagle dogs out there that you’ve ever heard of. I think we had some living 18, 19 years because they were even though they had plutonium.&#13;
&#13;
TODD: Well if you take good care of dogs there going to last longer just like human beings.&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: You know what the average life span of our dogs out there far exceeds the average life span of pets by many years. But anyway we did one of I think our first major observations out there was the fact that some of these dogs did eventually develop lung cancer so we continued to use beagle dogs to get some idea what the dose would be for a human. Trying to extrapolate from a dog to humans. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: This was with plutonium dust did you ever do any with uranium dust here?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: We did some with uranium ore dust somewhat a little later and radon. I don’t know whether you know about this or not but one of the earlier observations back in the early ‘40s was the fact that uranium miners were beginning to show up high instance of lung cancer. And it was difficult to know early on whether it was due to radon, whether it was due to uranium ore dust, with the residue from explosives they used in mines, the oil from the jack hammers the drilling equipment that they used all these factors arsenic all different things were in the mine. Historically back in the late 1800s over in Germany and Czechoslovakia they found that there was a high instance of lung cancer in hard rock miners. They were not I can’t remember now what they were mining at the time but arsenic was considered one of the factors.&#13;
&#13;
TODD: Arsenic yes.&#13;
&#13;
DR. Bair: And it wasn’t until the late ‘20s middle ‘20s that it was lung cancer. You know if you go back many years you never hear of lung cancer…consumption all various different kinds of things. But I think it was in the ‘20s that they diagnosed their problem as lung cancer and begin to feel that maybe it was radioactive material but you know radioactive materiel was not very well known in those days having only been discovered at the turn of the century. But anyway we did do studies with uranium and with trying to understand what in your mine environment was causing the problem. We eventually did find that radon was causing the problem. We also did some studies that combined radon with smoking because most of those miners smoked. The results are still kind of iffy. You couldn’t expose the dogs or rats or hamsters or any of the animals we used to this ore dust and have them smoke at the same time. So we either had to expose them to cigarette smoke before or afterwards. I think we exposed them afterwards had a little more effect more enhanced effect than if they smoked before they were exposed to the radon and ore dust. Anyway there was some evidence of enhancement by smoking. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: Now you were doing that particular one with the beagles also.&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: We did that with beagles. We did that with hamsters primarily hamsters and beagles. We did studies with some of the fission products: cerium, strontium strontium-90, with iodine&#13;
&#13;
TODD: That’s iodine-131.&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Right. One of the things that we tried to test. One of the AEC atomic energy commissioners I think his name was Wilson. He was I believe a physicist. He wondered if you had in a rector containment vessel a release of iodine-131 if you immediately released a large amount stable iodine if this would not reduce the effect on the people that were breathing it. We do know that if you saturate the thyroid with stable iodine it won’t pick up near as much of the radioactive iodine but you gotta do this before hand. His idea was if you did this simultaneously. And we did find in some studies that yes you could reduce the uptake of radioiodine in the thyroid if you also got a big dose of stable iodine. But here again you are talking about something that itself can be toxic. Anyway I don’t think that they ever utilized that but we did show that under certain circumstances it was feasible. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: Ok I’m going to change the subject just a little bit. Now you are going to add some things about the plutonium dust and americium.&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Right. Back in the early ‘60s we were working with plutonium-239 the plutonium isotope that’s used in the bombs produced in the reactors. It’s the main product here. About that time Merle Eisenbud at New York University asked us if we hadn’t considered doing some studies using plutonium-238. Plutonium-238 is a very high activity plutonium. It’s much more radioactive than plutonium-239. It’s a very hot material. Thermally hot actually. It was beginning to be used in space flights and satellites as a fuel. It’s a thermal-electric fuel. They can use it to produce electricity. It’s a heat source used to produce electricity in the satellites. And it’s also used in some of the weapons systems I understand as part of the triggering system or something. I don’t know exactly. So we began to look at that and we went to my old laboratory in Ohio to get some plutonium-238. The first studies were very interesting. We found where as plutonium oxide is very insoluble, very insoluble the plutonium-238 is mush less insoluble than plutonium-239 oxide. If you put 239 oxide in your lungs it just stays there in the lymph nodes a long time. But if you inhale plutonium-238 even though it’s supposedly an insoluble oxide it begins to disintegrate primarily probably because of its high specific activity. It’s unstable physically unstable so the particle begins to break apart in smaller pieces and thus becomes more soluble.  You know a greater surface area. So anyway this was a discovery we made here and I remember going back to the Pentagon and telling them about this. I was in a meeting with several admirals and generals from the Air Force, and the Army, and the Navy telling them they could not use plutonium-239 as a surrogate for plutonium-238 in their planning. They didn’t believe me. You have 2 isotopes same material they should be the same. But they did not. Anyway I had a couple of meetings back there trying to convince them. I did convince them of course that that was the case. But that had an impact on a lot of things. For example I was on a committee advising the space and the military people on this program putting these snap devices they called them in the satellites. Initially when they began to make these things they put the plutonium-238 in the oxide soluble form thinking that if they had an accident it would just burn up. And they did that. They had an accident and they just burned up. So what happened was we had plutonium	-238 scattered all around the world. So anyway one of the things we did as a result of our studies we convinced them and the committee I was working with knew part of this or was part of this we convinced them that they should design their thermal electric system containing plutonium so that the plutonium was in a very insoluble form. So they then produced a ceramic form of plutonium-238 oxide which they use today. So if they have an accident and it comes back it’s going to come back in one chunk. And they have had a couple of those that have dropped in the oceans with no more worldwide contamination of plutonium-238 from that source. I want to say something about americium I want to tell you about some of these things that I feel I made an impact. Back in I think it must have the 1980s I received a call from 60 Minutes. This woman said, “You know we’re interested in doing a segment of a show on americium-241 because we know it’s used in smoke detectors. So we’re concerned that these smoke detectors after people get through with them they through them out in the trash and they go out in the dump and the source gets scattered all around. Well I told her I said, “You know I don’t think that’s a good idea. Because if you think about the lives that are saved by people using smoke detectors, Then you could begin to consider how infinitesimal the risk is, the health risk to people getting those materials and actually getting enough of it in their body. They could not get enough from one smoke detector to cause any problems. Well after several phone calls she called back and she said, “You know we agree with you, we will not do that show.” So I feel I made a real contribution (Laughter)&#13;
&#13;
TODD: Well you know it’s funny when we tell people, everyday people that americium in the smoke detectors. We’ve had people say I am going to get rid of my smoke detectors. And that’s just silly. &#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Well if 60 Minutes had done that show it would have been terrible. And they didn’t do it.&#13;
&#13;
TODD: Ok we’re going to get to the alligators now. &#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Ok back in about early 1960s we had an aquatic physiologist out there Bob Schifman who was planning to do some experiments to see how sensitive alligators were to radiation. In the radiation biology field we’ve done an awful lot of studies with various species. What you do is you can’t do these studies on people so you’ve got data from many species and then you begin to put man into this whole scheme of things. Where does he fit? He was going to do this study with some alligators. Well they had them in a can …should I show you a photograph now? This shows the 100-F area and down at the bottom is a picture of the Aquatic Biology area with some pens, fish pens. And Bob Schifman kept the alligators in these fish pens. I think he had 20 or 30 alligators maybe. Well one day a fisherman over at Ringgold well he picked up an alligator’ He was fishing on the bank and an alligator crawled up. So he took this alligator and displayed it at BB and M sports store. It’s no longer there. The people from the laboratory soon recovered that. . They came and got it of course. But anyway there was an alligator that had gotten loose in the Columbia River and a fisherman had found it.&#13;
&#13;
TODD: Excuse me. How big was the alligator?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Well they were probably from 30 to 36 inches maybe 40” maximum. Bob Schifman took a position somewhere else so the alligators were sitting there and they were going to be destroyed. So I said oh we can’t do that. I’ll take over that study and I’ll go ahead and do it. So we did. We did a pilot study to find out how sensitive they were. We had to get this study going. Nothing had ever been done so we were starting from scratch. We exposed a group of 20 or around 21 or 22 alligators.&#13;
&#13;
TODD: Now these were still about 3’ long?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Yeah about that size. So these alligators had gotten out through that fence. How we don’t know but they squeezed through there and headed right for the Columbia River.   &#13;
&#13;
TODD: What did you expose them to?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: X radiation. And the timing was not good for what subsequently happened. We put them in the same ponds out there and I knew that obviously one had gotten away before. So the ponds are surrounded with chain link fence about 4 feet high. And we had plywood panels wired to the outside of that and overlapping so there would be no alligators getting out. Well that was not good enough because one morning our animal care-takers came out there and the first thing they saw was tracks going down to the river. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: Now these were alligators that had been exposed?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Except for one. One was a control that was not exposed. The other 3 were exposed to radiation and we knew the doses and everything. We thought well we don’t want fisherman to find these alligators. So we got in touch with our management and with PR and they put a note in the paper saying that these alligators had escaped so people would know about it. But we were still working for General Electric Company then. That was before Battelle came in. And as happened that morning one of the vice presidents from General Electric was in town. So he picked up the newspaper. I think it was an evening paper in those days and there it was. He jumped on W.E.Johnson who was the plant manager. And W.E.Johnson obviously turned to Herb Parker who turned to Harry Konanberg who jumped on me. But we had already begun looking for the alligators. Going along the river. And we actually by that time we had found 2 of them. At that time the reactors were operating and the water from the reactors going back into the river was warm. And so the water along the shore was pretty warm and that’s where we found the 2 alligators.&#13;
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TODD: What time of year was this?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: I think it was July/August that time frame. Then they weren’t satisfied even though they knew we were doing this. Herb Parker sent a note to Harry Konanberg asking for a weekly report on what we had done to recover those alligators. So everyday I put out a crew looking for alligators. We searched as far down the river as Finley looking for 2 alligators. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: You searched as far as Finley.&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: We did. We of course didn’t find them. But just the same I had to put a crew out everyday from I think the beginning of September until January. And every Friday I had to turn&#13;
 In a report to Harry Konanberg who sent it on to Parker who sent it on to Johnson the status of our alligator hunts. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: But you only found 2? So you still had 2 you were still looking for?&#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: Still 2 outdoors. Well anyway finally January I talked to our aquatic people and they convinced me if there were any alligators out there the water’s too cold for them. So I sent a note to Konanburg and to Parker that we have done everything we could and we’re not going to find them. He agreed that we could cease our alligator hunts. We did expose some more to complete that study the following summer. Well actually we did that winter. But this time we housed them inside the greenhouse which is shown there on that the thing. Well the greenhouse was near the ponds and in there we could control the temperature. The water in the ponds at this time of the year was too cold for the alligators. So the next phase of the study we did with the alligators housed inside of the greenhouse. There was no way that they could get out of there and of course they didn’t. And actually we finished the study the following summer with another group of alligators. We didn’t loose any of those. But alligators was not a very popular subject among the management at that time. You know it was very serious then. I tell you it was serious because I’d only been there a short time and I was young in my career and it was not a nice thing to have happen. You know we look back now with a bit of amusement but it was not funny at the time. &#13;
&#13;
TODD: Well the public is so paranoid about some of these types of things that I can imagine that you could get some pretty good stories about irradiated alligators there. And they would grow very large. Quite the old Woody Allen movie. &#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: I’ve had 2 calls since then think back in about the 70s. A fisherman reported that  &#13;
 had gone in a bar and said he had seen an alligator in the river. I had enough evidence to show that they wouldn’t survive. Then I think about in the 80s maybe it was in the 90s I guess shortly before I retired I had a call from a fish and wildlife person. He said, “Do you know anything about alligators in the Columbia River?’ I said, “No sir.” That was the end of the alligators. I hope.&#13;
&#13;
TODD: Yeah well they would have gotten to be pretty good size if they had lasted long. Ok now what were going to do. &#13;
&#13;
DR. BAIR: (showing photograph) This shows the equipment we used for exposing the alligators to X-radiation. Alligators were placed in this circular plexi-glass box and the box was placed on a turntable. The box was rotated underneath the X-ray beam to insure that the alligators received uniform exposure to the radiation.        &#13;
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